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Interviews upon the jews’s extermination

Friday 22 January 2010

Interview with Jan Karski
9 February 1995, at his home

1. John Pehle, who became head of the War Refugee Board, said your meeting with President Roosevelt was a success because it directly led to the formation of the War Refugee Board. You stated in the book, Rescuers, that you were skeptical. Can you explain why?

I had an audience, 28 July 1943 with President Roosevelt. Mr. Pehle, the first director of the War Refugee Board, between 1943 and 1981, knew about me and in the film Shoah, you have seen the film? In the film Shoah, Pehle never mentioned me or my meeting with Roosevelt. In 1981 at a conference, he said Karski’s mission to the United States and his conversation with Roosevelt changed policy from at best passivity to affirmative action. This statement was made 38 years later. The statement is sympathetic, but I am skeptical — it may be a kindness on the part of Mr. Pehle. In 1981, it was an international conference of liberators organized by Elie Wiesel who won the Nobel Prize. Mr. Pehle made a report, and what he said was probably in an answer to a question.

2. In your opinion, what were the factors that caused Roosevelt’s administration not to act sooner and do more to save the European Jews?

Roosevelt was an American president. When Americans vote for president, the vote for him because they believe he will be a good president. He is not a Jewish, or Polish or French president, but an American president. Roosevelt was a great man. He changed history because Americans did not want to enter the war. But America entered the war. Hitler declared war on America. The president had many tasks and he had to be careful that Hitler did not defeat Russia. If Hitler had defeated Russia, the war would have continued for very many years. Roosevelt had to defeat Hitler and Germany and he did. He saved Russia from defeat. American help to Russia is still underestimated. Large amounts of military equipment were sent. In the winter of 1941-42, America sent 30,000,000 military boots and the Russian soldiers didn’t (care) whether they wore two left or two right shoes. Russia did not collapse. The defeat of German was on his shoulders and another war with Japan. He defeated Japan. The United States lost less than half a million GIs. In Poland, one city, Warsaw had greater losses that all of America. After the war, America emerged twice as rich as before the war.

Why didn’t he extend more aid? How can I know? I couldn’t ask the president, "What do you think about the Jews, what are you going to do." I couldn’t. I was just a messenger.

3. David S. Wyman in his book, Abandonment of the Jews, felt that the U. S. should have bombed Auschwitz. Why do you think they didn’t?

I knew that the Jews in Poland had their own underground that was divided between socialists and Zionists. Thousands upon thousands of Jews were in the underground. In Poland, Hungary, Holland, France, Greece Jews were engaging in underground activities — not as Jews. My direct superior was a man of Jewish descent, but he didn’t tell me because it would jeopardize, it would be a double danger, one because he was part of the underground and two, because it meant execution.

The world did not know, it didn’t know, it didn’t know about my superior, he didn’t look Semitic. I sent various messages to the allies. I was not the only courier. The American Jewish Congress had their own agents, a man named Easterman who was a liaison with Dr. Riegner in Switzerland. I was not the only one. They were sending reports.

I didn’t carry any messages about the bombing of Auschwitz. But I was at one of the conferences with intelligence officers, secret agents discussing psychological warfare, I had several meetings and they spoke with me frankly. At one meeting, they engaged in animated discussion between themselves about bombing the railroad — "those Jews in Poland are crazy; don’t know what they are talking about, stupid — bomb a narrow railroad, the planes would have to fly low, they would have many losses, the precision of thebombs is not good, for narrow railroads, would have to drop ten times as many bombs. And where will the bombs fall? They will fall on Polish peasants. And what will be the reaction of the Poles to the bombing without any reason?" To destroy from the air railroads would be very costly. And the Germans having slave labor to repair the railroads, they can do it in no time.

4. Richard Breitman recently wrote an article in which he said, "Even successful rescue and relief measures during 1943 would not have greatly curbed the killing of Jews, any more than the successful operations of the War Refugee Board and Jewish organizations did during 1944 and 1945. Given the fierce determination of the Nazis to carry on with the war and the Final Solution, most of the Jews in their control were beyond Allied assistance. It was far easier for Nazi Germany to kill Jews than it was for Britain or the U. S. to rescue them." Do you agree? Why or why not?

It was easy for the Nazis to kill Jews, because they did it. The allies considered it impossible and too costly to rescue the Jews, because they didn’t do it. The Jews were abandoned by all governments, church hierarchies and societies, but thousands of Jews survived because thousands of individuals in Poland, France, Belgium, Denmark, Holland helped to save Jews. Now, every government and church says, "We tried to help the Jews," because they are ashamed, they want to keep their reputations. They didn’t help, because six million Jews perished, but those in the government, in the churches they survived. No one did enough.

Young people, like you, should never forget that not all humanity is bad or that it is stupid to live or that you must be careful or they will kill me — remember that thousands helped — a half million emerged in Europe. The Nazis had no time to finish them. And when Jews escaped to the Soviet Union, the Soviet government did not discriminate. They were conscripted into the army. And many Jews were fighting in the underground, not as Jews, as nationals of their countries. Most were saved by local populations. In Yad Vashem there are 6,000 names -many Polish names — at any moment they could have been found out and executed. Still there were such people. The Jews were abandoned by governments.

5. Why do you think that major magazines and newspapers did not publish articles about the Holocaust until the fall of 1944 when they published yours?

Very good question. This is speculation. When I brought my report to London, and I was twice in the Warsaw Ghetto and in a concentration camp and saw what happened to Jews in World War I, such a thing never happened in the entire history of the world. There were pogroms, the Inquisition, expulsions, mass murders (Genghis Khan, in Turkey against the Armenians), but never such a phenomenon in a civilized country like Germany where there was conceived a plan by the highest government authority to destroy an entire population. I had this feeling from Eden, and Lord Cranborne (Conservative Party) a dignified man, a very rich man and Lord Selbourne who was very anti-Nazi — what I was telling them I had the feeling that they were thinking that I had exaggerated, they thought that it was anti-Nazi propaganda, they couldn’t believe what was actually happening.

When I came to the United States in 1943, I had a meeting with a Justice of the Supreme Court, Frankfurter, who was a Jew, and he told me at a meeting at the Polish Embassy, "Do you know who I am? Yes. Do you know I am a Jew? Yes. Please tell me what is happening." After 20 minutes I told him all I saw. He was interested only in what happened to Jews. After 20-25 minutes, a moment of silence, I remember every word — "Mr. Karski, a man like me talking to a man like you, I want to be totally frank — I am unable to believe you." My ambassador said, "Felix, you don’t mean it. You cannot say such a thing. You cannot call him a liar." "I did not say he is lying. I am just unable to believe what he told me." Then he reached out to shake my hand, but I couldn’t.

So, it was difficult to believe for those who were far away. Why, when I now hear, today, when people use the term Holocaust, in many cases I feel offended — "abortion is a Holocaust" or the Armenians suffered a Holocaust — all this is blasphemy, there is no comparison.

Wiesel said it the best, "All nations had victims, but all Jews were victims. " The word Holocaust cannot be used by any nation. It means the destruction of Jews.

6. What motivated you to risk your life to try and help the European Jews?

Religious people, for many of them, they did see what was happening. They felt simply human. I am human. In my case, not so much, simply I was in the underground. The authorities told me — two Jews learned about your trip and want you to carry a message for them. I couldn’t say I didn’t want to do it. Now, at my old age, I can say that Jews did not have good luck. They did not choose me, I had my own separate mission. For their mission, they needed someone bigger or stronger. I was unknown, a nobody. I couldn’t talk on an equal basis. My job was to report. Yes, it was very important. They wouldn’t interrupt. And I couldn’t tell them to interrupt me. The Jews did not have much luck. I was too little for the enormity of what I brought to the West.

I go to the Department of State and wanted to get blank passports, visas, not from Nazi-dominated countries; and I wanted money, not German marks or even British pounds, only dollars or gold pieces. So, I go to the State Department to Charles Bohlen (who later became Ambassador to the Soviet Union) — he made an excellent impression — dignified. And I told him about the visas, that the Jews need as many as possible and he said to me, "Mr. Karski, perhaps you don’t realize, but we are a government not of people, but of laws. We are the executive branch. We execute laws. Congress passes laws. The Congress has established specific quotas. We cannot give visas to people whose names you can’t give us, whose nationalities you can’t give us. Congress would have to change the law, otherwise it would be a federal offense. "

What he said seemed at that time convincing. . . Often there are situations with no solution. Could the OSS have done something. Allen Dulles was in Switzerland. They could have gotten him to help get Jews out, but this I don’t know.

Keep this in mind — whatever governments and countries are saying 50 years later. How much they did during the war, don’t believe them — the answer is because I know 6 million Jews perished.

7. You said in the book, Rescuers, that "the help had to come from the powerful Allied leaders, and this help did not come." Why do you think this was so?

I don’t know. As an old man, an educator teaching international relations, you must understand that the international community consists of governments, 180 governments, each representing their own country. They have a duty to represent the interests of their own country.

The Jews were in a bad situation. Today, the Holocaust would not be possible. In the last 10 years, more and more people have told me, Prof. Karski, another Holocaust is possible. Don’t be stupid, I say. It is not because humanity has changed. It hasn’t. The basic change — there is Israel. At that time the Jews were totally helpless — they did not have representatives, but had to rely on others. Today, Jews are no longer homeless or helpless.

American leaders explained that they could do nothing. They had to win the war. Could a Jew escape from Warsaw. Naturally, they could. It was not so difficult. Where would he go? There was no one he could trust. If he asked someone on the street to give him shelter, he would not know if the person would turn him over to the Nazis. All Warsaw was a ghetto; all Poland was a ghetto; all Nazi-dominated Europe was a ghetto. If you were a Jew, your destiny was death. It was difficult in the streets of Warsaw. When a Nazi official saw a local child, he would not kill the child. The child will be my slave 20 years from now. But if he saw a Jewish child, he would kill him just because the child was a Jewish child.

Interview with John W. Pehle
16 February 1995, by telephone

1. I have read that you co-authored the "Report to the Secretary of the Acquiescence of the Government in the Murder of the Jews," which was signed by Randolph Paul. Is this true? Why didn’t you sign it as well?

It was signed by the General Counsel, someone who was over me. It was written by me and Josiah DuBois.

2. What were the circumstances that led to the writing of this document?

It’s a long story, in a way. But, I thought it had been written about by David Wyman. The Treasury Department’s Foreign Funds Control unit of which I was the Director found out that the State Department had been interfering with reports on atrocities in Europe forwarded from our legation in Switzerland. The State Department had forwarded a copy of a cable that was deceptive. The original cable had referred to our consultation, but that part had been deleted. We found out about it and other incidents and concluded that the State Department was interfering with news of the Holocaust.

3. In your opinion, why did Breckinridge Long and other State Department officials try to prevent rescue efforts, such as the Riegner Plan?

Well, it was a combination of things. In some cases, it was anti-Semitism. And others felt that these efforts came at the expense of and interfered with the war effort. These people didn’t want the country to be distracted or deterred from the war effort.

4. Can you describe some of the main conflicts within the Roosevelt administration between those who wanted to help rescue Europe’s Jews and those who didn’t? What were the basic reasons for that conflict?

Treasury was not involved in rescue. It only became involved by accident. When we found out what was happening and told Secretary Morgenthau, he arranged for a meeting with President Roosevelt on a Sunday afternoon. Randolph Paul and I were at that meeting as well. He asked that an agency be established outside of the State Department to handle the refugee problem.

5. Based on my research, I am confused on an issue. At a conference in 1981, you said that Jan Karski’s meeting with President Roosevelt led to the creation of the War Refugee Board, but David Wyman, author of the Abandonment of the Jews, said that Morgenthau’s staff, because of the efforts to block rescue by the State Department and the British Foreign Office, persuaded Morgenthau to form a special agency, which ended up being the War Refugee Board. Which is correct?

I didn’t know there was a conflict. I know the circumstances behind the War Refugee Board because Morgenthau went to the president. Karski told the president at an earlier date, but nothing happened until the Board was established.

6. Did you advocate the bombing of Auschwitz? Why or why not? Knowing what you do today, would you have done the same thing?

It was a controversial thing. At first, the various Jewish organizations were reluctant to recommend that Auschwitz be bombed, because a lot of Jews would be killed. It was argued that Hitler could then say that Americans are killing Jews. Finally, we decided to recommend to the War Department that they bomb.

Yes, I would have done it. Sure, I would ask the War Department, but they refused.

7. Do you think the War Refugee Board was a success? Please explain why.

It was established very late. The war was almost over. But it changed the policy of the United States. Instead of interfering with Jews being rescued, we had a chance of seeing that all Jews who could be rescued were. With limited time and resources, it still did some good.

8. Many historians, like David Wyman, think that the War Refugee Board was successful and that you were critical to that success. Could more have been done and what would have been required for that success?

More could have been done, if we had been able to start earlier, but because of the war and the interference of the State Department and no broad public support, it was very difficult. It would be different today.

Interview with Gerhart M. Riegner
16 and 21 February 1995, by facsimile machine

1. How did you feel and what did you think about the fact that your August 1942 telegram was not made public until November 24, after it was confirmed by the State Department when Undersecretary Sumner Welles had a meeting with Rabbi Wise and told him he could release it?

and

2. Do you think Rabbi Wise should have publicized the telegram earlier? Please explain.

I was not concerned with the publication of the telegram.

I had myself asked that the news should be checked by the secret services of the Allies.

The essential step was to inform the governments and the leaders of Jewish organizations. This was urgent.

Wise respected the instructions by Sumner Welles not to publish the telegram because he was probably afraid that the channel of communications through the State Department would be closed if he did not follow the advice. I do not think one can blame him for that.

The time was however not completely lost: Wise informed Justice Frankfurter and asked him to convey the message to President Roosevelt.

Our British colleagues, notably Mr. A. L. Easterman, the Political Secretary of the WJC in London, informed all the governments in exile as well as the Soviet ambassador in London.

My telegram was reported to two meetings of the American Jewish organizations in New York in September.

3. What kind of information did you provide to Rabbi Wise and others and what methods did you use to communicate this information (telegram, letter, telephone) and did you change how you sent information after you found out about the fact that U. S. State Department didn’t give Rabbi Wise the telegram?

Open telegrams on the Final Solution were excluded in Switzerland. The Swiss censorship would never have allowed it. Facilities for telephone conversations with foreign countries did not exist during the war. And even normal letters would go in most cases through German censorship.

The only sure way of corresponding was through the intermediary of foreign legations. The most important messages were, therefore, sent through the American legation in Bern to Washington and through the British legation in Bern and the Czechoslovakian diplomatic representative in Geneva to London.

I used open letters for sending all kinds of reports, extracts from official gazettes in all occupied countries, newspaper clippings, etc.

4. Between the time Rabbi Wise received your telegram and made it public, did you have any other communications with him? If so, please describe.

I sent one letter to Wise. He had asked the Chairman of the North American Council of Churches who was visiting Geneva to ask us again whether deportation meant certain death. When we confirmed this is the final days of September, he got a telegram to this end and I sent a letter confirming our position.

I sent a number of other reports to various members of the Executive of the WJC in New York. I did not write on all matters to the President. But he was fully informed.

In October Wise arranged with Undersecretary Sumner Welles that I and the representative of the Jewish Agency, Richard Lichtheim, should see the U. S. Minister in Bern, Mr. Leland Harrison, and submit to him our whole material. We did this on 22 October in a memorandum of about 30 pages which included all kinds of testimonies. When this material arrived in Washington it convinced Sumner Welles and he gave the material to Wise and allowed him the publication.

5. How often did you communicate with Rabbi Wise and did Rabbi Wise communicate with you and provide you with information?

and

6. Did you keep getting information and keep communicating with Rabbi Wise and Sydney Silverman? Did they continue to let you know what was going on?

As I said before, I did not all the time write or cable to Wise. There were other members of the WJC Executive with whom I corresponded. My most important letters went to Dr. Nahum Goldmann whom I knew very well as he had been my chief in Geneva. Other recipients of letters, reports and other materials were Dr. Arjeb Tartakower, Rabbi Irving Miller, Dr. Leon Kubowitzki and Dr. Jacob Robinson (the Director of the Institute of Jewish Affairs). All this is available in the archives of the Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati. The same materials went to London, mostly to the Political Secretary of the WJC Mr. A. L. Easterman.

7. In the many books and articles I have read, I have not found any information about what other things you did. Could you briefly describe some of the other things you did during the period August 1942 - June 1945.

I am sending you an article: "From the Night of the Pogrom to the Final Solution" which contains a summary of my most important activities.

You can also find detailed information about my activities in the "Oral History Department" of the Holocaust Museum in Washington. I have given them an account of my activities during many hours.

8. If I had actually been your cousin and living in New York and working for the WJC, how often and how honestly would you have communicated with me? How long would it have taken and how much would you have told me and in what form?

My own family lived in the USA. I wrote to them very rarely as most letters went through German and Allied censorship and I did not like this. I could not have openly reported what I was doing. Thus I limited myself to telling them that I was in good health.

If you would have worked at the WJC I would have treated you like my other colleagues. I would have reported whenever there was something important to report. From September 1942 on, I sent also monthly condensed reports surveying the whole situation in Europe.

Enough for today. I have still other business to attend. I may reply to some other questions next week.

9. If, in my diary, we met in person for the first time since the war, what information could you tell me now that you could not have told me then about the U. S. government response?


10. Richard Breitman recently wrote an article in which he said, "Even successful rescue and relief measures during 1943 would not have greatly curbed the killing of Jews, anymore than the successful operations of the War Refugee Board and Jewish organizations did during 1944 and 1945. Given the fierce determination of the Nazis to carry on with the war and final solution, most of the Jews in their control were beyond allied assistance. It was far easier for Nazi Germany to kill Jews than it was for Britain and the U. S. to rescue them." Do you agree? Why or why not?

I agree that even successful rescue activities in 1943 would not have stopped the process of annihilation. But one could have saved several hundred thousand Jews. And you know the saying: Who saves one human being, saves the world. . .

The major mistakes were made before the war. Hitler could have been stopped in 1933, 1935 and 1936 (at the occupation of the Rhineland), maybe even in 1938 during the Czech crisis.

When the war begun, it was too late.

During the war we could never have saved the six million. But by opening the frontiers of the Allies, and of the neutral countries, and of Palestine, by more energetic political action vis-a-vis Nazi Germany, by more imagination (like "port frane" zones in USA) important numbers may have been saved.

11. In your opinion, what were the factors that caused the Roosevelt administration not to act sooner and do more to save the European Jews?

There are probably a number of reasons:

a. Partly disbelief in the veracity of the reports on the Holocaust to a great extent. What the Nazis did to Jews was so horrible that it was beyond normal human understanding.

b. Partly insensitivity of the US bureaucracy, both civilian and military, to the fate of Hitler’s victims. The only objective: we have to win the war.

c. Partly anti-Semitic sabotage in the State Department.

d. Partly the knowledge that the Jews were powerless at the time. They had no choice, they had to follow the Allies.

e. Partly the efficiency of the Nazi propaganda which accused the Jews to push the Americans into the war. The great majority of Americans wanted to remain neutral and did not want to wage a "Jewish war. "

f. Nobody was prepared for a fight against the systematic extermination of a whole people, with an index card in hand and by using modern technological means without precedent. This shows the uniqueness of the Shoah.

12. David S. Wyman in his book, Abandonment of the Jews, felt that the U. S. should have bombed Auschwitz. Why do you think they didn’t?

I think they should have bombed Auschwitz and worked hard for it. Reasons: see 11. a. and b. Maybe also the technical difficulty to hit the gas ovens from a great height. But this could have been overcome by dropping a commando, by parachute, and by exploding the ovens from the ground.

13. Why do you think that major U. S. magazines and newspapers did not publish articles about the Holocaust until the Fall of 1944?

I do not know. I was not in the USA at the time. But I believe many more people knew about the catastrophe in the USA than is today admitted.

Nazism has never hidden the conclusion that his fight against the Jews was a part of its fight against communism. It should be remembered that Germany and Europe come out of a period (1917-1923) where the proletarian communism represented a real threat to capitalism and the bourgeoisie, whether democratic or fascist believed that Jews had played an important current communist European states as below the leading bourgeois English:

"There is no reason to exaggerate the part played in the creation of Bolshevism and the actual contribution to the Russian Revolution by these international and Jews mostly atheists.
It is certainly very great, it probably exceeds in importance all the others.
With the notable exception of Lenin, the majority leaders of the characters are Jews.
Moreover, the main inspiration and the leader come to Jewish leaders. "

Winston Churchill in "Zionism against Bolshevism: A struggle for the soul of the Jewish people"

We did not know?

"More than 700,000 Polish Jews were exterminated by the Germans in the biggest massacre of all time." 25 juin1942 in the Daily Telegraph of London

Anne Frank (13 years), Jews of German origin, is hidden in a secret apartment in Amsterdam with his family.
She writes in his famous Journal on the date of Friday, October 9, 1942: "We know that these poor people [the Jews captured by the Nazis] will be killed. The English radio speaks of the gas chamber."

Szmul Zygielbojm member of the Polish National Council in London, bruised by the indifference of public opinion, committed suicide May 12, 1943: "May my death be a scream against the indifference with which the world watches the destruction of the Jewish world and does nothing to stop it. "

Nobody knew what Hitler had done and why?

Adolf Hitler in 1923 sets in "Mein Kampf" (My Struggle) that establishes the link between the destruction of the working class as a class, as international awareness and revolutionary ideology and the racist charge to restore national consciousness of the German people:
"I had meanwhile discovered the relationship existing between this destructive doctrine (communism and socialism) and the specific character of a people (the Jews) (...) The Jewish doctrine of Marxism rejects the aristocratic principle observed by nature. (…)
One day, the catastrophe was her sudden burst suddenly.
Sailors arrived in cars and trucks excited to revolution; few young Jews were the leaders of this movement (...) The situation was untenable and urged the continuation of the revolution (...) and eventually led to the dictatorship of the Soviets, to better tell a fleeting sovereignty of Jews, which was originally the purpose of the promoters of the revolution and the ideals they were rocking. (…)
The Jew will remain the undisputed leader of the labor movement as have been undertaken a massive work (...) while the state will not be rid of the Jew and his work underground. (...) At the point of view policy, the Jew begins to replace the idea of democracy by the dictatorship of the proletariat. (…)
The German nation will be lifted again, if one does not resolve the issue of race and consequently the Jewish question (...) the inclusion in a national community of the mass of our people, which is now in the camp of internationalism (...) the inclusion of a condition, become a class in the community People (...) All interests of the different fields or professions should lead in no separation between classes. (…)
The biggest impediment to approximation of the worker of today and the national community, not the actions of representatives of corporate interests, but those leaders who work in the meaning of internationalism in a spirit hostile to people and the homeland. (…)
The bourgeois world is Marxist (...) and this world deliberately designed to transfer power in the hands of Jews.
Instead, the racist concept gives way to value the different races of mankind.
In principle, it sees the state as a goal is the continued existence of human races. (…)
Our German people no longer have to base a homogeneous race. (…)
If, for example, an individual of a given race united the representative of an inferior race, the result of crossing would lower the level itself (...) The racist state will have to repair the damage caused by what we fail to do today in this area. (…)
The State must declare that any individual patient or known carrier of hereditary defects, thus transmitted to its offspring, has no right to reproduce and must physically remove him how. (…)
The race committee, specially constituted, must issue a permit to settle, according to a defined purity of race and he will give evidence. (…)
The first duty of the State serves the people (...) is to preserve the best elements of race (...) Our first task is to destroy the Jewish state today. (…)
Today, Germany is the next important objective of Bolshevism.
It takes all the force of a great idea, any consciousness of a mission to rescue once again our people to embrace this hydra to stop the progress of the contamination of our blood (...) A State which, in an era of racial contamination, jealously guards the conservation of the best elements of his own, should one day become the master of the earth. "

Today’s lies and omissions are numerous on the question of the extermination of European Jews. They want to make a separate issue for social goals and policies of fascism, separate social goals and policies of the German bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie against the European proletariat and oppressed peoples facing the revolutionary new threat that could arise in Europe the crisis of capitalism and war. They present this genocide as the product of violent antisemitic sentiments cultivated by the Nazis.

The genocide of the Jews just a product of racism and antisemitism in Germany or Poland? Wrong!

Proceeding from the madness of Hitler and the Nazis? Wrong!

Irrational phenomenon? Wrong! We did not know? Wrong!

The Jews will be left by traditional behavior? " Wrong!

States "democratic" does not know and were not responsible? Wrong!

The publicly denounce nothing would change? Wrong!

The massacre of the Jews has nothing to do with the goals of anti-communist European fascism? Wrong!

Fascism against the working class in Europe, only Hitler and the Nazis?
This was not the consent of all the bourgeoisie? Wrong!
They actually felt that was the price to pay to get rid of the danger of revolution in Europe. "Democratic state" led the war against fascism?
Still wrong! They were only in competition with German imperialism. Fascism against the working class and peoples, they were for.

Le texte de "Matière et révolution", traduit en partie par Google du français, qui suit pose la question différemment : quel lien y at-il entre le génocide des Juifs et la question de la lutte des classes et de la révolution en Europe. The text of "Matter and revolution" following the question differently: what connection is there between the genocide of the Jews and the issue of class warfare and revolution in Europe.

Le massacre des Juifs d’Allemagne et de toute l’Europe (en particulier ceux de Pologne et d’URSS) est bien connu aujourd’hui. The massacre of Jews in Germany and throughout Europe (especially Poland and the USSR) is well known today. Du moins, on croit bien le connaître. At least, we seem to know him well. Pourtant, ce génocide à grande échelle sans réaction manque toujours d’explication. Yet this genocide on a large scale without reaction still lacks explanation. Suffit-il pour en comprendre le sens de dire qu’Hitler était raciste ? Is it enough to understand the meaning of saying that Hitler was racist? Ou de dire que les populations d’Allemagne, d’Autriche ou de Pologne ont été sensibles au racisme et à l’antisémitisme ? Or that the populations of Germany, Austria or Poland were sensitive to racism and antisemitism? Cela expliquerait éventuellement un grand pogrome. This may explain a great pogrom. Mais l’extermination qui a eu lieu durant la deuxième guerre mondiale ne ressemble en rien à un simple pogrome. But extermination that took place during World War II is nothing like a simple pogrom. La population, ni spontanément ni de manière manipulée, n’y prend aucune part. The population, or spontaneously or so manipulated, takes no part. L’essentiel des camps de la mort se situent en Pologne où la population allemande, sa fraction qui a soutenu l’antisémitisme, n’a eu nullement accès. Most of the death camps are in Poland, where the German population, the fraction that supported anti-Semitism, had no access. L’autre grand massacre a eu lieu en Ukraine. The other major massacre took place in Ukraine. dans les deux cas, ce sont des forces spéciales de l’Etat allemand qui ont été chargées de l’exécution. in both cases, they are special forces of the German state who were responsible for the execution. Elle n’a rien à voir avec une démagogie de type raciste puisque cette élimination n’a reçu aucune publicité dans aucun pays. It has nothing to do with any type of racist demagoguery as this elimination has received no publicity in any country. c’est donc les responsables de l’Etat allemand et de la classe dirigeante allemande qui l’ont décidé, avec la complicité des dirigeants politique et des classes dirigeantes du reste du monde, y compris les Alliés. is therefore the responsibility of the German state and German ruling class who have decided, with the complicity of political leaders and ruling classes of the world, including allies. d’autre part, l’antisémitisme explique-t-il comment toute la planète, y compris les organisations juives du reste du monde, a laissé massacrer des millions d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants ? other hand, anti-Semitism explains how it all over the world, including Jewish organizations of the world, has left millions of massacred men, women and children? Non, il est certain que la société bien pensante, c’est-à-dire se portant bien, n’a eu aucune envie de savoir et n’a toujours pas envie d’analyser les causes. No, it is certain that right-thinking society, that is to say, good health, had no desire to know and still does not want to analyze the causes. On peut même dire que tout ce que la société compte de représentants et de porte-paroles des classes dirigeantes ne souhaite pas comprendre. One can even say that everything the company has representatives and spokesmen of the ruling classes did not want to understand. Michael Marrus écrit dans "L’holocauste dans l’histoire" que " Beaucoup de gens, y compris ceux qui sont familiers des questions d’histoire, continuent de penser que le meurtre des Juifs européens n’est pas matière à argumentation historique (...) Une opinion traditionnelle veut que l’Holocauste, en vertu de son importance suprême, se situe pour ainsi dire en dehors de l’histoire." Michael Marrus writes in "The holocaust in history" that "Many people, including those familiar questions of history, continue to believe that the murder of European Jews is not subject to historical argument (. ..) A traditional view is that the Holocaust, by virtue of its supreme importance, is virtually out of history. " "L’Holocauste ne se prête pas à un examen historique traditionnel écrit Nora Levin, non seulement à cause de l’ampleur des destructions (l’assassinat de six millions de Juifs), mais parce que les événements qui l’entourent sont à proprement parler incompréhensibles. Personne ne comprend vraiment comment des tueries ont pu se produire à une si grande échelle ni comment on les a laissés se produire." "The Holocaust does not lend itself to a traditional written historical review Nora Levin, not only because of the magnitude of destruction (the murder of six million Jews), but because the events surrounding it are strictly speak incomprehensible. Nobody really understands how the killings have occurred on such a large scale or how they are allowed to happen. " En appendice à "Si c’est un homme", Primo Levi écrivait : "L’antisémitisme est un phénomène typique d’intolérance. (...) La propagande fasciste et nazie avait besoin d’un bouc émissaire sur lequel faire retomber toutes les fautes et toutes les rancœurs, et le phénomène fut porté à son paroxysme par Hitler, dictateur monomaniaque. Cependant, je dois admettre que ces explications, qui sont celles communément admises, ne me satisfont pas : elles sont restrictives, sans mesures, sans proportion avec les événements qu’elles sont censées éclairer. (...) Pour expliquer cette folie, cette espèce d’embardée collective, on postule habituellement la combinaison de plusieurs facteurs différents, qui se révèlent insuffisants dès qu’on les considère séparément, et dont le principal serait la personnalité même de Hitler, et les profonds rapports d’interaction qui le liaient au peuple allemand. (...) Mais encore une fois, cela ne me semble pas concluant. On ne peut pas, me semble-t-il, expliquer un phénomène historique en en attribuant toute la responsabilité à un seul individu. (...) Peut-être que ce qui s’est passé ne peut pas être compris, et même ne doit pas être compris (expression soulignée par l’auteur), dans la mesure où comprendre, c’est presque justifier. (...) Cela nous déroute et nous réconforte en même temps, parce qu’il est peut-être souhaitable que ce qu’ils ont dit et ce qu’ils ont fait ne nous soit plus compréhensible." Ce refus de comprendre, cette justification de la nécessité de ne pas comprendre, est très impressionnante et reproduit un point de vue qui n’est pas propre à primo Levi, mais qui est génral à la société post-guerre mondiale. In appendix to "This Is a Man," Primo Levi wrote: "Antisemitism is a typical phenomenon of intolerance. (...) The fascist and Nazi propaganda needed a scapegoat on which to place all faults and all the bitterness and the phenomenon was brought to a climax by Hitler, monomaniacal dictator. However, I must admit that these explanations, which are those commonly accepted, does not satisfy me: they are restrictive, without measures of proportion with the events they purport to illuminate. (...) To explain this madness, this kind of sheer collective one assumes usually a combination of different factors, which are insufficient as they are considered separately, and whose principal is the personality of Hitler, and the profound interaction reports that bound the German people. (...) But again, this does not seem conclusive. We can not, I think he explain a historical phenomenon by attributing responsibility to any one individual. (...) Maybe what happened can not be understood, and even should not be included (underlined phrase by author), insofar understand is almost justified. (...) This baffles us and comforts us at the same time, because it may be desirable that they have said and what they did not understand us more. "This refusal to understand the justification of the need not to understand, is very impressive and reproduces a view which is not unique to Primo Levi, but is genral in the post-war world. La classe dirigeante n’a pas spécialement eu envie de savoir. The ruling class did not particularly wanted to know. Elle sait trop bien ce qu’une analyse révèlerait certainement : le grand mensonge de l’interprétation officielle selon laquelle cette horreur serait inexplicable, ou attribuable à la méchanceté des nazis et à la nature humaine, mauvaise paraît-il. She knows too well that an analysis would reveal certain: the big lie of the official interpretation that this horror would be inexplicable, or attributable to the wickedness of the Nazis and human nature, it seems bad. Une violence gratuite en somme ? A violence free after all? Peut-on imaginer que ce massacre aussi coûteux en efforts, en moyens, serait gratuit ? Can one imagine that this massacre as costly in effort, facilities, would be free? Il est impressionnant que l’on se satisfasse d’explications aussi creuses, aussi ineptes, et aussi mensongères, pour un acte d’une ampleur telle qu’il ne risquait pas d’échapper à aucune des classes dirigeantes du monde. It is impressive that one is satisfied with explanations as hollow as inept and untruthful as to any act of such magnitude that it could not escape any of the ruling classes of the world. Prétendre qu’une telle action, qui a nécessité des grands moyens et une complicité mondiale, n’avait aucun objectif rationnel, c’est injurier le besoin d’explication que l’on ne pourra pas toujours étouffer. Claiming that such an action, which required large resources and a global complicity, had no rational purpose is abusing the need to explain that we can not always suppress. Même si on se contente de dire que les nazis étaient des assassins antisémites, une évidence, cela n’explique pas que toutes les forces étatiques d’Allemagne, puis des pays d’Europe continentale aient prêté leur concours à ce crime de grande échelle sans faire de difficulté. Even if we simply say that Nazi murderers were antisemitic, the obvious, this does not explain all the state forces of Germany and the countries of continental Europe have lent their support to the crime of Large-Scale be difficult. Ni, encore moins, expliquer que les Etats en guerre avec l’Allemagne (les « Alliés »), les USA et l’Angleterre par exemple, aient gardé le silence sur cette extermination. Nor, even less, explaining that the states at war with Germany (the Allies), the USA and England for example, have been silent on this extermination. Puis, lorsqu’il n’était plus possible de se taire, se soient bien garder d’agir. Then, when it was impossible to be silent, to be very careful not to act. L’existence des camps de la mort a été occultée à l’époque au grand public, en particulier aux victimes, mais les Etats n’en ignoraient rien. The existence of death camps was overshadowed at the time the general public, particularly victims, but the states do not unaware. Nous avons maintenant des milliers de preuves de cela. We now have thousands of proofs of this. Ils ont parfois dénoncé « des violences » contre les Juifs, mais jamais ils n’ont permis aux peuples du monde de savoir qu’il s’agissait d’une opération systématique d’élimination complète. They have sometimes denounced "violence" against Jews, but they never allowed the peoples of the world to know that this was a systematic process of elimination. Et cela aussi doit être expliqué. And this too must be explained. Pourquoi se sont-ils enlevés ainsi un moyen de mettre de leur côté, dans la guerre qui les opposait à l’Allemagne, l’appui de peuples entiers ? Why are they removed and a way to save for their part in the war that Germany opposed to the support of entire peoples?
Des décennies après, l’interprétation des événements reste occultée. Decades later, the interpretation of events is obscured. Parce que la révéler, montrerait du même coup sur quelles bases fonctionne toute la société bourgeoise, à quel point sa phase « démocratique » n’est pas si opposée à sa phase « fasciste ». Because the show would show the same time on what basis does the entire bourgeois society, how phase "democratic" is not so opposed to the phase "fascist." Et à quel point la société capitaliste pourrait encore basculer dans l’horreur, simplement si tel redevenait l’intérêt des classes dirigeantes. And how capitalist society would even switch to the horror, just as if the interest was again the ruling classes. Des années après, il n’est toujours pas question de dévoiler au grand public, y compris aux Juifs, toutes les complicités dont ce massacre de masse a bénéficié au sein de toutes les classes bourgeoises du monde, celles qui détiennent les moyens d’arrêter le massacre ou, au moins, de le dévoiler partout dans le monde. Years later he is still a matter of revealing to the general public, including Jews, all this complicity with mass murder has received in all classes of the bourgeois world, those who have the means to stop the massacre, or at least to reveal around the world. Les images horreur des camps de la mort ont eu ce résultat d’amener chacun à fermer les yeux et à se dire que cela dépasse sa capacité de supporter des images d’horreur. The images of horror death camps were the result of bringing everyone to close their eyes and say that it exceeds its capacity to bear images of horror.
De la part des Alliés, de la part des dirigeants juifs, ne rien révéler sur les objectifs d’extermination des nazis était déjà un crime. Of the Allies, from the Jewish leaders did not reveal the targets of Nazi extermination was already a crime. Ces révélations auraient évité à la plupart des futures victimes d’attendre leurs assassins sans fuir, d’accepter, sans se révolter, d’être ghettoisés puis embarqués vers les camps de la mort sans tenter de se soulever. These revelations have avoided most of the future victims of assassins without waiting for their flight, to accept without revolt, to be ghettoized and then embedded into the death camps without attempting to rise. Cela n’a pas évité les soulèvements – ils ont été beaucoup plus nombreux qu’on ne le croit généralement -, mais cela les a rendu désespérés. This did not prevent the uprising - they were much more numerous than is generally believed - but this has made desperate. L’ignorance des buts des nazis a empêché les Juifs, convaincus qu’il s’agissait de « simples » pogromes, de se défendre. Ignorance of the goals of the Nazis prevented the Jews, convinced that it was "simple" pogroms, to defend themselves. Le mensonge fondamental, qui a si bien marché auprès des Juifs, était qu’il fallait absolument se laisser faire, laisser les tueurs agir, les laisser tuer 500 ou 5000 Juifs mais pour sauver les 500 ou les 5000 autres, sous la justification que la révolte aurait mené les nazis à les tuer tous. The fundamental lie that worked so well with the Jews, was that he absolutely had to give in, let the killers do, let them kill 500 or 5,000 Jews but to save the 500 or the 5000 others, under the rationale that revolt would have led the Nazis to kill them all. Il s’agissait donc de se sacrifier pour l’intérêt d’ensemble de la communauté. It was therefore to sacrifice for the benefit of entire community. Comprendre qu’il s’agissait, dès 1941, d’une opération d’extermination était possible, mais cela ne l’était pas pour les notables et les bourgeois qui dirigeaient la communauté juive ni pour les chfs politiques bourgeois du monde occidental. Understand that this was in 1941, an operation of extermination was possible, but it was not for the leaders and citizens who led the Jewish community nor the CHFS bourgeois politicians of the Western world. Parce que la vérité avait des implications révolutionnaires. Because the truth has revolutionary implications. Si l’Etat veut notre mort, a engagé la lutte à mort, il faut renverser l’Etat, il faut faire la révolution. If the state wants our death, initiated the fight to the death, we must reverse the state must make the revolution. Et inversement, l’Etat bourgeois n’est fasciste que parce qu’il est engagé dans une lutte à mort : c’est la lutte contre les menaces de la révolution prolétarienne en Europe. And conversely, the bourgeois state is fascist because he is engaged in a death struggle: the struggle against the threat of proletarian revolution in Europe. Le massacre des Juifs lui est indispensable dans cette optique comme il a est indispensable en Allemagne. The massacre of the Jews is indispensable in this regard as it is necessary in Germany. Il faut embrigader la petite bourgeoisie dans le sens raciste pour éviter qu’elle se retourne contre les classes dirigeantes. We must indoctrinate the petty bourgeoisie in the racist sense to avoid it turning against the ruling classes. Il faut donner aux troupes fascistes les moyens d’être craints, d’être respectés et leur donner les moyens d’y gagner un certain enrichissement sur le dos des victimes. We must give the fascist troops means to be feared, to be respected and empower them to earn some enrichment at the expense of victims. Dans ce but, les Juifs sont un bouc émissaire qui convient aux nazis. To this end, the Jews were a scapegoat appropriate to the Nazis. Mais l’objectif réel est de terroriser les travailleurs, de les encadrer et d’éradiquer les risques révolutionnaires. But the real purpose is to terrorize the workers, to monitor and eradicate the risk revolutionaries. Sur ce point, les Juifs d’aujourd’hui ignorent toujours la raison pour laquelle le fascisme allemand a massacré les Juifs d’Europe. On this point, the Jews of today still do not know why the German fascism massacred the Jews of Europe. La crainte de la révolution ne pouvait que les pousser à aller jusqu’au bout. The fear of the revolution could only push them to go through. Frapper les Juifs nécessitait de les concentrer. Hitting the Jews needed to concentrate. Les concentrer dans des ghettos permettait d’opposer les Juifs aux autres opprimés, mais cela avait aussi comme résultat la concentration de la misère et de la révolte. The focus in the ghettos permitted Jews to oppose the other oppressed, but it had also resulted in the concentration of misery and revolt. Il fallait alors transformer les ghettos en camps d’internement terroristes et, finalement, en camp d’extermination. It was then transformed into ghettos terrorist internment camps and, ultimately, extermination camp.
L’objectif fondamental des nazis en Europe, lutter contre la révolution prolétarienne sur le continent, des puissances borgeoises comme la France, l’Angleterre ou les USA, puissances dites démocratiques, n’avaient rien contre. The fundamental objective of the Nazis in Europe, fighting against the proletarian revolution on the continent, borgeis powers like France, England or the USA, so-called democratic powers, had no cons. Lutter contre le communisme était leur perspective aussi. Fight against communism was their perspective too. Que les nazis s’en chargent à leur manière ne posait aucun problème aux « démocraties occidentales » et c’est pour cela qu’elles ont fermé les yeux autant que c’était possible, du moment qu’il n’y avait pas de faits publics, en Allemagne ou dans les pays occupés par l’Allemagne, qui auraient dévoilé leur complicité passive. That the Nazis would charge their own way was no problem with the "Western democracies" and that’s why they closed their eyes as much as possible, as long as there was no made public in Germany or in countries occupied by Germany, who have unveiled their passive complicity.
On a assisté à une véritable conspiration générale, mondiale, du silence, d’autant plus facile que les organisations communautaires juives locales, là où les populations subissaient une violence massive, étaient les premières à chercher à cacher les faits, de peur de provoquer une révolte générale de la population juive. There has been a real general conspiracy, world of silence, even easier than the local Jewish community organizations, where people suffered massive violence, were the first to try to hide the facts for fear of causing general revolt of the Jewish population. Et effectivement, contrairement à la thèse d’une soumission traditionnelle, les Juifs ont montré qu’ils pouvaient se révolter. And actually, contrary to the thesis of a traditional bid, the Jews showed that they could revolt. On a beaucoup écrit sur le fatalisme des Juifs, sur la passivité soi-disant atavique des victimes. Much has been written about the fatalism of the Jews, the passivity supposedly atavistic victims. Cette présentation est mensongère. This presentation is misleading. Des révoltes ont eu lieu, dans les ghettos, dans les camps de concentration et même dans les camps de la mort. Revolts took place in the ghettos, concentration camps and even in death camps. Par contre, elles ont quasiment toutes eu lieu quand le massacre avait atteint son terme et que les derniers survivants attendaient la fin. By cons, they have almost all occurred when the massacre had reached its end and the last survivors were awaiting the end. Parce qu’alors, tous les mensonges des nazis, colportés par des dirigeants, étaient trop usés pour continuer à empêcher la lutte. Because then all the lies of the Nazis peddled by leaders were too worn to continue to prevent the fight. Des Juifs allaient mourir, mais la communauté repartirait grâce aux survivants, du moment que les Juifs ne tentaient pas d’agir contre les Autorités. Jews would die, but the community would go back through to survivors, as long as the Jews did not attempt to take action against the authorities. La Pologne a été le siège de plusieurs révoltes, notamment celles des ghettos en 1943 et celle de la ville de Varsovie en 1944, mais aussi des révoltes collectives des camps d’internement et aussi des camps de la mort comme Treblinka et Sobibor. Poland was home to several revolts, including those ghettos in 1943 and the city of Warsaw in 1944, but also collective revolts internment camps and also death camps like Treblinka and Sobibor. Comme l’écrit Nicolas Weill dans Le Monde du 19 avril 1983 « A Varsovie, comme dans le reste de l’Europe d’Hitler, les Juifs sont abandonnés à leur sort. As Nicolas Weill wrote in Le Monde on April 19, 1983 "In Warsaw, as in the rest of Europe from Hitler, the Jews were abandoned to their fate. Le 27 avril 1943, les révoltés de Varsovie pressent Arthur Zyngielbojm, qui représente à Londres le Bund auprès du gouvernement polonais en exil, de convaincre les Alliés d’exercer des représailles immédiates : « Au nom des millions de Juifs qui sont déjà morts, au nom de ceux qui sont assassinés dans les flammes, au nom des héroïques combattants et en notre nom à tous qui sommes promis à la mort, nous en appelons au monde entier. On April 27, 1943, the Warsaw insurgents pressed Zyngielbojm Arthur, who represents the Federation in London with the Polish government in exile, to persuade the allies to retaliate immediately: "On behalf of millions of Jews who are already dead, names of those killed in the flames, on behalf of the heroic fighters and our name to all who are doomed to die, we appeal to the world. (…) Les Alliés doivent prendre conscience de la responsabilité historique qui rejaillirait sur eux s’ils restaient sans réaction face à un crime qui n’eut jamais d’équivalent (…) » Les Alliés restent sourds à ces appels. (...) The Allies are aware of the historic responsibility which would reflect on them if they remained without reaction to a crime that was never equivalent (...) "The Allies remain deaf to such appeals. Pour protester contre l’indifférence des gouvernements et l’apathie des opinions publiques, Arthur Zyngielbojm se suicide le 12 mai. » Jamais ces révoltes n’ont été soutenues par les Alliés, ni rapportées au grand public par les gouvernants alliés, ni par les organisations sionistes des autres pays. To protest against the indifference of governments and the apathy of public opinion, Arthur Zyngielbojm commits suicide May 12 "Not these rebellions were supported by the Allies, nor reported to the general public by the Allied governments, nor by Zionist organizations of other countries. Aucune des révoltes de l’Est n’a jamais reçu d’appui et les Alliés se sont même gardés ensuite de valoriser, de populariser, ces actes de bravoure qui rompaient avec la soumission. None of the revolts in Eastern has never received any support and the Allies were well kept then enhance, popularize these acts of bravery that breaking with the bid. Ils les ont même cachés le plus qu’ils pouvaient. They even hidden as much as they could. Ils préféraient présenter le peuple juif comme fataliste et faire croire qu’il s’était laissé faire sans bouger. They preferred to present the Jewish people as fatalistic and believe that he had left to do still. En fait, nulle part les classes dirigeantes n’ont jamais eu la moindre sympathie pour les peuples révoltés, y compris s’il s’agit de peuples livrés à une mort certaine comme l’étaient les Juifs. In fact, nowhere ruling classes have never had the slightest sympathy for the people revolted, including the case of people come to certain death as were the Jews. Et les membres juifs ainsi que les organisations juives des classes dirigeantes, dans les pays sous la botte nazie ou dans les pays « alliés » n’avaient pas plus de sympathie pour une lutte pouvant avoir des conséquences révolutionnaires. And the Jewish members and Jewish organizations of the ruling classes in the country under the Nazi boot or countries "allies" had no more sympathy for a fight that could have revolutionary consequences. Toutes les classes dirigeantes le savent, les intérêts de classe, c’est bien plus important que les soi-disant solidarités ethniques, nationales ou religieuses. All ruling classes know, the class interests is more important than the so-called ethnic solidarity, national or religious.

Les troupes russes, comme alliées, ont laissé les nazis écraser la révolte de Varsovie avant de prendre la ville. Russian troops as allies, allowed the Nazis crushed the uprising in Warsaw before taking the city. Bilan : la destruction des neuf dixièmes de la capitale avec 200.000 varsociens morts et cinq cent mille autres emmenés en captivité ou déportés. Review: the destruction of nine tenths of the capital with 200,000 varsociens dead and five hundred thousand taken captive and deported. Bor Kornorowski écrit : « Le 1er août à 17 heures, une grêle de balles s’abattit à partir de certaines fenêtres, sur les Allemands circulant dans les rues. » henri Michel rapporte : « Commencée dans l’espérance et l’enthousiasme de toute la populaton, l’insurrection va pourtant s’achever le 3 octobre par la capitulation sans condition des insurgés, après soixante-trois jours de combats acharnés, dans les rues, aux étages des immeubles, des deux côtés de l’autel de la cathédrale, dans les cimetières et dans les égouts (…) Les civils ont élevé des barricades, creusé des tranchées, fabriqué des munitions, réparé des armes, déminé les rues (…) Les Britanniques et les Américains ne veulent rien entreprendre qui puisse déplaire à leur allié soviétique (…) surtout parce que le maintien de l’ »étrange alliance » provoquée par Hitler est absolument indispensable pour assurer au monde une paix durable, une fois la guerre finie. Bor Kornorowski wrote: "On 1 August to 17 hours a hail of bullets fell from some windows, the Germans moving in the streets." Henri Michel reports: "Begun in hope and enthusiasm of all the populaton, but the insurgency will end October 3 by the unconditional surrender of insurgents, after sixty-three days of fierce fighting in the streets, the floors of buildings on both sides of the altar of the cathedral in the cemeteries and sewers (...) Civilians have erected barricades, dug trenches, made ammunition, weapons repaired, cleared the streets (...) The British and Americans do not want anything that might displease their Soviet ally (...) mainly because the maintenance of the "strange alliance" caused by Hitler is absolutely essential to ensure the world a lasting peace once the war ended. (…) Staline se défie des communistes polonais demeurés en Pologne, suspects de trotskisme et de nationalisme. (...) Stalin distrusts Polish Communists remained in Poland, suspected of Trotskyism and nationalism. Il n’accorde sa confiance qu’à ceux qu’il apris en main à Moscou et qui attendent leur heure à Lublin pour venir installer à Varsovie un régime très proche de celui de l’URSS. » écrit-il dans Le Monde du 5 apût 1984. He does his confidence that those he apris in hand to Moscow and biding their time to come to Lublin to Warsaw to install a system very similar to that of the USSR. "He wrote in Le Monde, 5 Aput 1984. L’offensive militaire russe a été sciemment retardée pour laisser les Allemands écraser Varsovie. The Russian military offensive was deliberately delayed to let the Germans crush Warsaw. Pourquoi ? Why? La résistance leur était pourtant a priori favorable au camp russo-américain, mais aucun des « alliés démocratiques » ne va juger que la révolte d’un peuple est sans danger dans cette fin de guerre mondiale. Y compris la révolte du peuple juif. C’est pour cette raison que personne, au sein des classes dirigeantes, y compris de leur fraction d’origine juive, n’a voulu soulever cette question du massacre des Juifs. Car la soulever c’était, qu’on le veuille ou pas, appeler les peuples à la révolution et risquer de refaire en plus grand la révolution de 1917.

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